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The charts show the funding gaps of the top UNHCR situations, and the highest displaced population by 
nationality Youyou Zhou/Vox

“There’s a dichotomy that tends to be drawn between the ‘deserving’ refugee and the ‘undeserving’ migrant,” Abdelaaty said.

Under the 1951 Refugee Convention, ratified when the world was still dealing with millions of people displaced during World War II, a refugee is someone fleeing persecution that’s targeted to them as an individual based on their race, religion, or political opinions. Most Ukrainians actually wouldn’t qualify for refugee status, because they’re fleeing generalized violence, rather than being specifically targeted for one of those criteria, Abdelaaaty explained.

Yet governments and the media were quick to label them refugees — in stark contrast to the reaction in 2015, when there was a lot of hand-wringing about whether to call the people arriving in Europe “refugees” or “migrants.” The use of the term “migrants” to describe Syrians likely had a negative impact on public opinion about them.

Even now, Middle Easterners coming to Europe suffer from a double standard. Nowhere is this clearer today than in Poland. On that country’s border with Ukraine, Ukrainians are being welcomed with open arms. Meanwhile, on Poland’s border with Belarus, Syrians, Iraqis, and Afghans have been forcefully kept out; Poland is even building a $400 million wall to repel them.

 Wojtek Radwanski/AFP via Getty Images
Afghans were left stranded on the border between Belarus and Poland in 2021.

“The fact that Ukrainians are being labeled refugees means, for many people, that they are deserving, because they’re being forced to move. Whereas in the popular parlance, people who are migrants are choosing to move and therefore they’re not deserving of our compassion,” Abdelaaty said. “But I would urge people to consider whether people who are moving because they’re fleeing crushing poverty or the effects of climate change are any less deserving of our compassion. I’d argue no.”

How you can help refugees effectively

All refugees need support, and most refugee crises are underfunded — especially those that have fallen out of the media spotlight or never captured it to begin with.

Before the war in Ukraine, 85 percent of the world’s refugees lived in low- and middle-income countries, often in far greater numbers than in rich countries. Turkey, for example, still hosts 3.6 million Syrian refugees. (The US, by contrast, settled fewer than 12,000 refugees altogether in fiscal year 2020.) These countries often don’t have the resources to support their own people, let alone millions of newcomers.

That’s why Helen Dempster, an assistant director at the Center for Global Development, says, “Countries neighboring Ukraine, such as Poland, definitely do require support, though I would argue not as much support as those low- and middle-income countries that have been hosting refugees for years or decades.”

UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, provides an annual list of the most financially neglected crises. Here’s the most recent list:

The charts show the funding gaps of the top UNHCR situations, and the 
highest displaced population by nationality Youyou Zhou/Vox

So how can you help people in these crises?

First of all, you can donate to organizations that are doing effective, transparent, and accountable work. Abdelaaty and Dempster recommended several options:

Beyond donations, you can play an important role by pressuring your government to provide enough aid for people on the ground — and to be receptive to newcomers who are arriving at your country’s borders. If you’re in the US, for example, here are concrete things you can do:

Finally, you can volunteer your time and energy to help refugees settle into their new lives.

In the US, the official resettlement infrastructure was decimated under the Trump administration, and it still hasn’t recovered; the Biden administration has arguably been too slow undoing the damage. A huge backlog of refugees need to have their applications processed and then be integrated into new communities. Investing in rebuilding the refugee resettlement infrastructure is a key step to addressing the backlog that’s preventing thousands of people from restarting their lives in the US.

At the end of the day, donating, advocating, or volunteering in any of the ways listed above is a valuable way to make a difference. Refugees need immediate support when they’re fleeing a nightmare on the ground; they need advocates to shape welcoming policies at their destinations; and they need assistance settling in when they reach their new homes. All of these roles are important.

So if the heart-wrenching war in Ukraine has strengthened your desire to reduce the suffering of refugees, it’s worth trying to expand the circle of compassion to include refugees beyond Ukraine, and get to work helping them, too.

A version of this story was initially published in the Future Perfect newsletter. Sign up here to subscribe!

Syrian refugees saw a very different reception than the Ukrainians currently fleeing Russia’s assault have — one that’s more reminiscent of the welcome non-Ukrainians have received, and consistent with the experiences other refugees of color have faced when trying to reach Europe. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán called arriving migrants fleeing the Syrian war a Muslim invasion in 2015 and built border walls to fence them off. Last October, Poland entered a state of emergency when thousands of refugees from Afghanistan and Iraq attempted to cross the border from Belarus into the European Union.

Polls across the EU reflect a deep wariness about certain immigrants. Generally, European countries are less welcoming to immigrants of races and ethnicities that differ from their predominantly white populations. And people in eastern European countries, including Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland, are less likely to think immigrants should be allowed in than their western counterparts, according to the latest European Social Survey, conducted across the bloc in 2018.

A push to repatriate refugees has led to efforts like Denmark working to send its Syrian refugees from Damascus back home. Across Europe, far-right parties have expanded their power, both in individual nations and the EU parliament, partially on an anti-immigration platform.

The different treatment toward Ukrainian refugees is rooted in a sense that, although Ukraine isn’t in the EU, its citizens are European. People from European countries see themselves in the Ukrainian refugees fleeing the war. That has been clear from their public statements, including those tinged with racist and xenophobic ideas about what it means to be European.

“These people are Europeans,” Bulgarian Prime Minister Kiril Petkov said. “These people are intelligent. They are educated people. … This is not the refugee wave we have been used to, people we were not sure about their identity, people with unclear pasts, who could have been even terrorists.”

While refugees from Middle Eastern, African, or Asian countries are seen as “others,” the geographic proximity, similar skin colors and religions, as well as the social-economic ties to the EU states all contribute to the identification of Ukrainians as “us” — Europeans.

An increasingly unified European identity has formed among the eastern European countries that joined the EU in the 2000s. Most citizens of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and Romania see themselves as citizens of the European Union.

While Ukrainians aren’t EU citizens, they have enjoyed visa-free travel in the EU member states since 2017. By 2020, they were the third-largest group of non-EU citizens living in the bloc, behind citizens of Morocco and Turkey.

Before the war, most Ukrainians in the EU came for work. More than half of Ukrainian migrants residing in the EU got their residence permits through work. In 2020, 86 percent of the Ukrainians who applied for residence permits for the first time received their permits for employment-related reasons, the highest among all other nationals.

Ultimately, Ukrainians want their country to join the EU. Four days into the war, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy submitted an application for EU membership, an act then mirrored by former Soviet states Moldova and Georgia. The EU application and linkage processes take a long time, and western members of the bloc have rebuffed Ukraine’s request to fast-track its approval. But after years of roadblocks, the path is “open for them to take.”

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